Case Study Report: In the Shadow of Patriarchy: Examining Power and Crime in Male Perpetrated Intimate Partner Violence (Academic Research Paper)
Globally, intimate partner violence (IPV) is a pressing public health issue, underscored by its prevalence and profound ramifications in many societies. IPV has been defined as “any behaviour by a current or ex-partner that causes physical, sexual, or psychological harm, including physical abuse, sexual coercion, psychological abuse, and controlling behaviours” (World Health Organisation, 2021). While women can resort to violence in relationships, often in self-defence or in response to their abuse (Scarduzio et al., 2017), and while violence can occur in same-sex partnerships (Rollè et al., 2018), statistics consistently show that the primary perpetrators of IPV in heterosexual relationships are male intimate partners or ex-partners (World Health Organisation, 2021; Foley, 2024).Conversely, men are more prone to violent acts from strangers or acquaintances rather than from an intimate partner, or from someone they are close to (Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Personal Safety Survey (PSS), 2024).
That said, early frameworks have conceptualised IPV as a gender-specific issue, predominantly perpetrated by men against women. It is often referred to as “violence against women”, which is defined as “violence directed at a woman because of her gender, or violence that disproportionately affects women” (Holland, 2012; European Institute for Gender Equality, 2024). This perspective, rooted in feminist ideology (Butler, 1988), posits that IPV is perpetrated by men mainly seeking to control and dominate women – a type of control that is rooted in historical and social constructs (Dutton, 1994; Lorber, 1994; Hunnicutt, 2009). Moreover, in societies marked by unequal gender empowerment and male privilege, men’s violence toward women is often condoned as a way of maintaining the “status quo” (Lambert, 1997; Holland, 2012; World Health Organisation, 2021). Consequently, there has been a biased approach to addressing and resolving this issue, where the majority of programs, interventions, and polices have focused on empowering women and girls to protect themselves, without adequately addressing the societal norms and ideologies that shape boy’s perceptions of themselves as boys and later, as men (Emihovich, Gaier and Cronin, 1984; Carlson, 2008; Elliott, 2018; Leone and Parrott, 2019; Brownhalls et al., 2021).
Considering this, moving forward this paper seeks to explore power and crime in male perpetrated IPV against women by investigating the social construction of gender, which moulds norms and stereotypes that impact interactions between men and women in Western societies like Ireland (Mead, 1934; Butler, 1988; Lukes, 2005). Subsequently, it will probe deeper into the impact of media portrayals and societal institutions, such as the Church and school system, on male perpetrators of IPV in heterosexual relationships - an area that has received limited attention because previous research to date has predominantly focused on the experiences of victims, mainly women (Levitt, Swanger and Butler, 2008; Hyatt et al., 2016; Rollero, 2020).
Historically, Irish society has been deeply shaped by patriarchal systems, where men wield significant influence over economic, legal, political and societal domains (Mahon, 1994; Connor, 2000; O’Sullivan, 2012). Rachel Patterson’s (2001) research highlighted the pivotal role of the Church-State alliance in upholding traditional views of both women and men’s role within Irish society, while Evelyn Mahon’s (1994) research illuminated the Church-School alliance in perpetuating patriarchal structures and control in Ireland. At the same time, the Church’s social doctrine regarded women as being in a complementary role to men rather than being equal to them (Mahon, 1994; Patterson, 2001). Therefore, understanding Irish social structures demands a thorough examination of the social construction of gender dynamics, which is vital for addressing and preventing male violence against women in intimate relationships.
Firstly, Judith Butler’s (1988) theory of gender performativity and George Mead’s (1934) theory on symbolic interactionism offer some valuable insights on the construction of gender through the actions and interactions of individuals within a society. Essentially, gender is continually shaped and reshaped through human actions, interactions, and social dynamics, forming an integral part of the societal structure (Mead, 1934; Butler, 1988; Lorber, 1994). In Ireland, as in many other societies, there were and still are traditional expectations and norms surrounding gender roles and behaviours. For example, until recently in Ireland, strong societal expectations regarding the role of women as “caretakers” and men as “breadwinners” were prominent (Patterson, 2001; Sheehan, Berkery and Lichrou, 2017). That is, women typically performed their gender role through acts like doing domestic tasks and sacrificing personal needs for the sake of the family, while men performed their gender role by engaging in paid employment and assuming leadership roles like decision-making within the household (Butler, 1988; Sheehan, Berkery and Lichrou, 2017).
Research by O’Connor (2012) has further supported this by highlighting the presence of gender-differentiated cultures within Irish society. These gender expectations are shaped by normative perceptions of masculinity and femininity, where gender-based stereotypes generally depict men as “dominant, strong, and aggressive” – traits associated with perpetrators – and women as “weak, submissive, and in need of protection” – traits aligned with victims (Seelau, Seelau and Poorman, 2003; Seelau and Seelau, 2005). This societal framework, which views the two genders as “different”, fosters elements such as inequality, stereotyping, and restrictive norms (Williams, 2000; Fine, 2010; Barni et al., 2022). Consequently, those who diverge from these norms, typically women, often encounter prejudice, discrimination, and, in severe cases, violence as they challenge the perceived “status quo” and break gender boundaries (Glick and Fiske, 1996; Lee et al., 2010). Nevertheless, the degree to which individuals deviate from gender norms and roles depends on elements like cultural norms, societal expectations, and personal disposition (Fine, 2010).
That said, in patriarchal societies like Ireland, where traditional gender roles are strongly endorsed and stereotypical masculinity prevails, characterised by traits such as dominance, toughness, honour, and a sense of entitlement over women, there is often a failure to recognise violence against women as unacceptable. This can be because IPV and elements like coercive control are so prevalent and normalised in relationships in Irish society that people don’t see it as “abnormal” behaviour (Lukes, 2005; Loveland and Raghavan, 2017; Rodo, 2022). Abbott, Weckesser, and Egan’s (2021) study highlighted this phenomenon where people rationalised and accepted violent and controlling behaviours as a sign of “love”, “care”, and “protection”, with girls and women reporting significantly higher experiences of violence in comparison to boys and men. This included threats of violence for spending time with friends, physical harm for conversing with someone of the opposite sex at a social gathering, and pressure to engage in unwanted sexual activity. Women frequently believed these actions stemmed from their partner’s feelings of jealousy, love, and concern for their well-being, rather than recognising them as forms of control or abuse (Abbott, Weckesser and Egan, 2021). On the other hand, men believed that, in a relationship, they had the right to resort to violence as a means of expressing love and asserting legitimate power and control in the relationship (Levitt, Swanger and Butler, 2008; Cunha et al., 2022). These beliefs have mainly been linked to religious teachings that designate the husband as the household leader with authority over his family, or portray wives as being responsible for childcare, restricting their career or financial opportunities, and requiring them to submit to their husband (Hogan, 1987; Levitt, Swanger and Butler, 2008; Cunningham and Gregory, 2012; Holland, 2012).
Further to this, contemporary understandings of IPV in Ireland has recently highlighted how male perpetrators exploit such gender dynamics to orchestrate abuse, using gender stereotypes as weapons to harm the victim/survivor, particularly in the case of women (Butler, 1988; Rodo, 2022). For example, Rodo (2022) explains that this type of abuse often targets behaviours traditionally associated with femininity, such as caregiving tasks like cooking and cleaning. Levitt et al. (2008) also supported this idea by identifying that most perpetrators of IPV rationalised their behaviours as “biblically acceptable”, believing it helped them to maintain the status quo within the relationship. These behaviours used by men are referred to as “patriarchal-like controls in personal life”, where, through a series of coercive tactics, male perpetrators of IPV assert power and control over a woman’s daily activities. Moreover, this dominance exerted by men over women within the home serves to reinforce their subordinate status in Irish society, thereby perpetuating patriarchy’s suppression of women’s autonomy (Rodo, 2022).
Indeed, IPV clearly stems from a desire for power and control, one that is ingrained in patriarchal norms that prioritise male dominance in heterosexual relationships. This mindset often absolves perpetrators of responsibilities, as cultural norms normalise violence and enable men to shift the blame onto the victim (Mead, 1934; Cunha et al., 2022; Rodo, 2022). That said, Steven Luke’s (2005) theory on power provides an additional lens through which male perpetrators of IPV against women can be further analysed. According to Luke’s (2005) framework, power operates at multiple levels, extending beyond acts of violence to encompass the ability to shape agendas, control decision-making processes, and influence perceptions and beliefs. In the relationship between a man and a woman, overt power tactics can include acts of aggression and dominance such as physical assault, sexual coercion, and verbal abuse (Levitt, Swanger and Butler, 2008; Cunha et al., 2022). Research by Cunha et al. (2022) found that such overt forms of power and control were used by male perpetrators when they perceived disrespect of their authority as a man, and their belief in their right to shape agenda’s and decision-making processes (Lukes, 2005).
Other research by Elliot (2018) has discussed how institutions like schools also shape the agenda and decision-making processes within males in a society. Schools are powerful socialising institutions where, in Ireland, throughout the twentieth century and up until recent years, the Catholic Church had a significant influence on the Irish education system (Connolly, James and Murtagh, 2023). That is, religious teachings and curriculum materials often reinforced the importance of traditional gender roles and values. Moreover, within the school system the use of corporal punishment was accepted as an appropriate form of disciplining and asserting control over others up until the 1980s (Limond, 2022). As children witness and experience corporal punishment in schools, they internalise the message that power is exercised through physical dominance and coercion. Consequently, when these students grow up and enter into relationships, they may replicate the power dynamics they learned in school, using violence as a tool to maintain control over their partners (Lukes, 2005; Limond, 2022).
However, Ireland has recently undergone significant social and political changes that challenge the dominance of the Church and embrace the diminished role of religion in society (Hogan, 1987; Limond, 2022; Connolly, James and Murtagh, 2023). Nevertheless, some men find themselves grappling with frustration (Levitt, Swanger and Butler, 2008) due to conservative religious teachings that have emphasized their role as leaders and decision-makers in relationships with women, contradicting the messages of gender equality prevalent in contemporary Irish culture (O’Sullivan, 2012; Banet-Weiser and Miltner, 2016).
In a similar way, media portrayals of the relationship between a man and a woman, have been contributing to IPV, particularly when Luke’s (2005) second dimension of power is considered. Pornography consumption and rap music have come under scrutiny in recent years for playing a significant role in shaping societal norms and attitudes towards gender roles and relationships (Weitzer and Kubrin, 2009; Tranchese and Sugiura, 2021). In Ireland, according to a recent study by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI; 2024), 64% of men use pornography. Researchers of the ESRI, Nolan and Smyth (2024) cited that “those who use pornography have higher levels of aggression” and “men who use pornography have poorer wellbeing than non-users”. Additionally, research by Ó hÍr and Strange (2021) and other research by Salgado (2023) found rap music promotes themes of male dominance, aggression, and control over women. When individuals, specifically males, consume pornography and rap music that portrays aggressive and coercive behaviour, it can contribute to the justification and normalisation of abusive behaviour within intimate partnerships. Moreover, when these media outlets portray women as objects of male desire and reinforce stereotypes of male dominance and female submission, they set an agenda that legitimizes unequal power dynamics (Tranchese and Sugiura, 2021; Salgado, 2023; ESRI et al., 2024).
Following the research of what encourages men to be perpetrators of IPV against women in Western societies like Ireland, it’s crucial to understand what encourages or inhibits men from taking constructive steps when confronted about their aggressive or disrespectful behaviour towards women in intimate partnerships. Prior research has found that greater ambiguity around what constitutes as “violent” or “abusive” behaviour toward a woman is associated with reduced likelihood of intervention, and failure to recognise ones’ responsibility to change (Carlson, 2008). Moreover, research by Casey and Ohler (2012) found that some misogynistic men believed that “there’s something in the society that…has like an agenda to make it seem like you’re being a wimp if you stick up for women” suggesting that there were specific masculine ideals that needed to be adhered to. Indeed, this aligns with the idea that gender is something that is performed through actions (Butler, 1988), that is created through the social interactions between individuals in a society (Mead, 1934), and in the context of IPV, the dynamics of power and control within society and intimate relationships, as conceptualised by Steven Lukes (2005), can further influence men’s decisions to confront or ignore instances of abusive behaviour.
Therefore, to effectively reduce and prevent a crime like IPV in societies like Ireland, several considerations and changes need to occur. Firstly, a concerted effort to challenge and dismantle patriarchal systems that perpetuate unequal power dynamics, reinforcing traditional gender roles, needs to continue. This involves promoting gender equality in all aspects of society, including within institutions like the Church and the education system, which have historically upheld and reinforced patriarchal values (Hogan, 1987; Fine, 2010; Holland, 2012; Connolly, James and Murtagh, 2023).
Secondly, education plays a crucial role in reshaping societal norms and perceptions surrounding gender roles and relationships. Schools should implement comprehensive programs that promote healthy masculinity and femininity, respectful relationships, and gender equality from an early age (Chapman, 2016; Elliott, 2018; Gray, 2021). Additionally, media literacy programs can help people critically analyse and resist harmful media portrayals of gender and relationships, such as those found in pornography and rap music (Tranchese and Sugiura, 2021; Ó hÍr and Strange, 2021; Salgado, 2023; ESRI et al., 2024) but also, found in other media outlets like national newspapers and television programs too (Morgan, Shanahan and Signorielli, 2009; Cooky, Messner and Hextrum, 2013).
Furthermore, interventions targeting male perpetrators of IPV must address the underlying beliefs and attitudes that perpetuate violence. This involves challenging toxic masculinity norms and promoting alternative expressions of masculinity that prioritise respect, empathy, and non-violence (Levitt, Swanger and Butler, 2008; Banet-Weiser and Miltner, 2016; Gray, 2021). By fostering a collective responsibility to challenge abusive behaviour, bystander interventions can help create safer environments for survivors and potential victims of IPV.
In conclusion, effectively addressing and preventing IPV requires a multifaceted approach that tackles the root causes of violence, promotes gender equality, and empowers individuals, specifically men, to act and to put an end to violence. By challenging patriarchal systems, promoting healthy masculinity, and fostering community accountability, societies like Ireland can work towards creating safer and more equitable relationships for all individuals – not just for women.
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